It is becoming increasingly clear
that our
Development workers are coming
with projects to be implemented within a short timeline. They do not understand that
communities need more time to be able to conceptualize projects. Our researchers are
unavailable to study the traditions of coastal communities and demonstrate to outsiders
the rich value of these traditions. The communities are dismissed as being too traditional
and not open enough to accept changes. In the end they are by-passed in favour of more modern and progressive communities. And so the people
of the coast lose yet another opportunity to help themselves. The cycle continues.
This study focuses on topics
associated with the coast among the Garifuna of Southern Belize. They include settlement,
livelihood, fishing, and spirituality. It analyses cultural values and traditional
knowledge underlining these topics and their significance to Garifuna peoplehood.
Finally, it makes extrapolations on the role of coastal traditions in development within
the larger
The Garifuna today number 14,061
making up 6.1% of the Belizean population. It is ironic that we are now discussing their
coastal tradition as it is part of the culture, which has been all but forgotten from lack
of use. The majority of the Garifuna still live along the coast not in their traditional
villages but in the town of
In speaking about tradition among
the Garifuna there are some factors to keep in mind. One is that much has been written
about them during their 203 years in
In the following discussion I
refer minimally to written sources on the topics of settlement and livelihood. On the last
two topics — fishing and spirituality — I refer mainly to field data that I
collected between 2000 and 2001 in
The proclivity of the Garifuna to
live in coastal communities in
My own thinking is that the
Garifuna have been confined to living along the coast through pressures over which they
had no control. One pressure came from landowners in
For whatever
reason the coast indeed has been the primary habitat of the Garifuna in
What value do we now see resulting
from this extensive continuous occupation for generations spreading over 200 years? Because it has been home sweet home people still feel little need to have
official travel documents for transborder travel from
As in the case of settlement
pattern, we still need to know a great deal on the extent of livelihood that the Garifuna
derived from the several microenvironments associated with the sea, adjoining wetlands,
estuaries, banks, and highlands. My own travels with knowledgeable persons
shows that they were all utilized for fishing, farming; and gathering food, herbal
medicines, and other resources. Within this extended use of the concept of livelihood what
cultural values have survived up to now? There is a sense of the boundless bounty of the
microenvironments that are available to the dwellers. No matter how much difficulty one
has being away, on arriving home one can get basic needs for
daily survival. Traditionally one could get much of life's basic needs while not paying
bills for electricity, telephone, water, cable tv, and land
tax.
The previous discussion has
already introduced fishing as a form of livelihood. I elaborate more with information
about traditional methods of catching fish, seasonality, location of fish at various
depths, and belief systems. This information came from older informants indicating that
these skills were still being used as late as the 1940s. It shows that the African and
aboriginal roots of Garifuna culture preserve a great deal of respect for tradition.
Handlining
has always been the most popular form of catching fish. Earlier they were made from steel
wire or cotton and not nylon as the case now. The nylon lines started being used in the
1950's. They made for more efficient means of catching fish. Firstly, they came in various
weights so that the fisher could alternate his lines depending on what he expected to
catch. Besides, he could put three and more hooks on one line, something that could not be
done earlier. Finally, the nylon lines were cheaper and more plentiful — qualities
that made it easier to catch more fish. Other ways for fishing were free diving for
lobster and conch and harpooning for bigger species like tarpon and jewfish.
There were other traditional
methods that were used in streams, indicating that the Garifuna took from St. Vincent some
customs associated with fresh water fishing (Miller 1979). One was called gunami. A few
men placed a vine upstream that mixed in the water stunning fish, which were collected by others downstream. One could also build a small platform
in the river near the mouth where the water is brackish. Craig describes a similar method
called ramas
in Cay Caulker during his visit in 1965 (1966:79). One sinks it for six months or longer
while barnacles grow on it. Fish then come to feed on them and are snared by a net. This
method is called wamaredu. Other
snares were used in earlier times, including traps — also called fish pots —
made from palmetto in which one places materials to attract fish. The name in Garifuna is maciwa.
Nets came in a wide variety of
forms. There was the cast net used to catch shrimps and small fish — sprat, mullet,
and sardine — used for bait. There was the beach seine. It was handled by at least
six men, each with a specific function. It could be very large measuring over 60 meters
long and 15 meters wide. Its main characteristic was a sack into which fish are forced.
The seine was helpful for species found closer to the beach like snook.
There is still being used in a few communities the turtle net. It is set in deeper water
with one side being anchored and the other floating. Attached to it are several small
wooden turtles that serve as snare to attract the bigger natural ones.
The beach seine and cast net are
set to capture their prey at the moment. The turtle net is left for a few days and catches
a bigger prey that could satisfy substantial parts of the community at any one time. As a
result, it was not used too often. In short the use of these nets was more in keeping with
sustainability.
There were two kinds of group
fishing. The use of the seine was group effort par excellence within a
tradition that has always been an individualistic effort and dominated by men. Women and
children went on shellfish gathering trips. But they were not at the scale as the use of
beach seine in terms of providing substantial supply for home use and sale. The size of
the dory was too small to accommodate more than two persons at any one time. Besides, if
more than two went, they would be individually doing the same thing, namely using handline. The need to go out in groups and spend longer than one day
came with the onset of commercialization. Bigger boats became available together with
methods of preserving fish — first in wells within the boat or tugging a smaller boat
with holes where fish were kept and later through the use of ice. These boats were also
able to go to fishing grounds a longer distance from the shore, reaching closer to the
Barrier Reef.
Notwithstanding the wide variety
of methods available to the traditional fisher, his efforts were guided more by luck than
his own deliberate planning and dexterity. The term "luck" was most often
associated with fishing than other economic activities in rural communities. It was
incumbent on the fisher to limit the possibilities of bad luck so he could be successful
on any day. Limiting bad luck meant, among other things, maintaining respect for Mother
Nature. It further meant being aware of the interrelatedness of humankind with the
workings of nature that limits him to take only what he needs at any one time. It was the
basis of the ethic of conservation that underlined social behaviour in traditional rural
communities. This becomes clearer as we follow a fisherman performing his daily routine.
Even before the actual fishing
takes place, there are certain prescriptions that the fisherman has to follow to minimize
his bad luck. Some of these have to do with his dory, the vessel that carries him fishing
and with which he establishes a close working relationship. Women are prohibited from
working on the dory — its carving, finishing, and repair. It is a man's world! The
irony here is that the dory is female in Garifuna grammar and names applied to it are all
the names of women. While working on it in its unfinished state he burns incense and says
prayers aimed at protecting it and making it always productive during its endeavours in the sea. Similarly, women are not allowed to touch the
fishing gear. Should such transgression take place, the man should tie a piece of his
wife's skirt to the hand line as an antidote.
While preparing the evening before
he goes out, the fisherman becomes solicitous about the weather that will prevail the
following day. He wants to know whether it will rain, at what time the winds will change
direction, and at what time the tide will start coming in (which is the best time to
fish). The skills of the seasoned man in looking at the clouds at dusk to be able to
predict all of these features with incredible accuracy for the following day are indeed
remarkable. Of course, he would have verified the moon movements. When the moon is growing
and especially close to full moon and a few days afterwards are the best times. In the
early morning the last thing he does before leaving home is to look up into the sky one
more time to re-confirm his readings of the weather from the previous day. On leaving his
house, the fisherman should not return even if he remembers something that is important.
He should call on someone to bring it to him. Going back will give him bad luck.
Some men prefer to fish in the
night because fish bite more than during the day. It was one of the transitions brought
about by commercialization in the village of Barranco, when men fished to sell in the
Punta Gorda market in the 1970s. Instead of leaving at dawn as
they had always done they left home at 10 o'clock in the night
to catch bait; returned home to eat at midnight; and then left to go to the deeper waters
to fish. With the darkness they have greater difficulty to locate the rocks for fishing.
They throw out the anchor and drag it to see if there is some tension; if it is so, it is
a sign that it is caught up in the rocks.
Those who fish later —
starting at daybreak — have the advantage to see things around them. Pelicans are
helpful to identify where bait can be found. They hover around the spots where sprats and
other smaller fish congregate. One goes there, throws a cast net and after a few throws
has enough to proceed to the fishing grounds. But some fish make better bait than others.
Some are very rank in odour. The men cut them into tiny pieces
and throw them into the sea to scent it. Shrimps also make good bait. Near Barranco and
Punta Gorda there are spots where one can catch them.
Knowledge of the location of the
fishing grounds is indispensable to catching a good amount fairly quickly. But also
indispensable is knowledge of the foraging habits of fish, especially the seasons during
which they are spawning and appear in greater numbers. In the area from Monkey River to
Seine Bight June to December is a time when one catches a wide variety of fish, mainly
snapper, grunt, jack, and mackerel. The period November to February is the time for
snapper and grouper, while April to June is the time for mutton snapper in Placencia. November to January is the time for mullet and drummer in
Barranco. They appear especially after the waters have been stirred by the frequent
northerly storms that occur at that time of the year.
During most times different types
of fish are available. The species, however, occupy different levels in the sea and will
bite according to the tide. For example, jacks remain near the bottom in high tide but
come up during the low tide. Besides, some prefer to stay close to the seagrass beds while others prefer the rocks. In the former case, one
finds different kinds of snappers while in the latter there are grunt and jewfish. It is
also important for the fisherman to be observant of other indicators that may appear from
time to time. When the man-o'-war bird hovers it is a sign that jacks are plentiful. On
the other hand, wherever there are dolphins, it is a place to avoid because there will be
no fish. Dolphins do indicate from which direction the wind will blow. It is the direction
from which the dolphin flaps its tail.
There are certain do's and don'ts
that the fisherman should abide by. One's first catch for the day is special. One should
scrape a few of its scales into the sea to guarantee catching more. Smaller fish should be
put back into the sea so they could be feed for the bigger ones. One should not
contaminate the waters by throwing back dead fish. It scares the fish away. Some men went
further in their explanation saying that they attract sharks, which in turn chase away the
fish normally caught. They add that this is the irreversible damage that trawlers are
creating in the area of Placencia. In dumping the rejects back
into the sea they are creating a vacuum for sharks and other predators.
While at sea the fisherman can be
given signs that he may want to note. Manatees and dolphins are usually aggressive to him
during his pregnancy. If he has doubts about a pregnancy, the female manatee may jump up
in front of him exposing her breasts. On the other hand, if the manatee is only flirting
around his dory, it is a sign that his wife is also flirting behind his back. The manatee
remains an important part of the fisherman's lore. If your hearing is particularly good,
you will be complemented, "Your hearing is as good as the manatee's".
The list of do's and don'ts
changes on arriving at the beach and getting ready to sell. Once the fisherman sells to a
customer, she should not return it. That is one way of worsening his luck. He should be
generous to the wife of an ailing fisherman or his widow. If he has been having a series
of "bad luck days", he should give a few select fish to a poor, old woman,
pleading with her to accept his gift. Such an act has been known to redound to the good
luck of the fisherman.
The sea is a primary source of
food. It also has a sacred place in Garifuna spirituality.
They pay homage to the sea (barana) and
earth (mua)
as primary givers of life. It is, therefore, necessary to periodically give offering to
the spirits of both as gratitude and as supplication for more blessings. In the case of
the spirit of the sea, one should periodically take food, a candle with some overproof rum as libation to the spirit of the sea, while beseeching
the spirit to accept them as humble offerings.
In Garifuna theology heaven,
called seiri,
is located a long distance beyond the horizon across the sea. It is not surprising that
when spirits come to participate in the ancestral ceremony of placation, the dügü, they
have to cross the sea on returning to earth. Songs during the dügü recount the spirits' travails in
crossing the sea. At times those in trance would roll up their pants, indicating that they
are just arriving from a sea journey.
A primary component of the dügü is for men and women (adugahatinyu) to go for seafood that will
be ritually fed to the spirits. Among these food items there are special delicacies like goosa (hairy
crabs), gawamu
(sea turtle), and guiwa
(wilk). They are usually caught in the vicinity of the Snake Cayes near Punta Gorda. Most Belizean
Garifuna communities have cayes where this type of fishing is
done. The adugahatinyu
accomplish another purpose while they are at sea. It is to serve as messengers and beacon
to some spirits, who may need guidance to find the location of the dügü. They would have been invited to
the feast but might not know where it is or might have gotten lost on the way. On
returning to the temple the adugahatinyu
will be accompanied by these spirits.
In an interview with the captain
of the boat who usually accompanies the adugahatinyu in Punta Gorda, he recounted how the spirits take control of the trip
directing him where to go to catch needed items. He also performs rituals intermittently
to ensure a successful trip. Pivotal to the success of the trip is for the party to pay
close attention to his instructions and to have complete dedication to the spirits of the
ancestors.
The arrival of the adugahatinyu bringing the ritual seafood officially
marks the beginning of the dügü.
There are special songs of welcome to the arrivals in which the names of delicacies are
repeated. Finally at the end of the dügü some of the food is ritually
replaced into the sea as offering to its spirit. The rest is buried on land again as
offering to the spirit of the earth.
These are only a few indicators of
the significance of the sea for the Garifuna during the dügü, the most important celebration of
their spirituality. We asked questions from other peoples about similar belief systems but
they did not know of any. There are other maritime rituals found among the Garifuna. One
takes place at the first anniversary after the death of a loved one. During that year
women mourners (ameisarutinye)
would have been wearing black coloured clothing. At the
occasion of the first anniversary they will discard that colour
for brighter colours. But it has to be done according to
ritual prescriptions. Early in the morning at dawn they wade into the sea together with a
chaperone (ebenene).
While there they perform rituals that coincide with the out flowing waves. They also
submerge themselves into the sea several times. Then they return home.
In the doorway they remove the
black coloured clothing, step on it, and then put on fresh
clothes. It marks the end of their mourning within which they had been proscribed from
doing many things. The symbolism here is of the sea washing away the close affinity that
the mourners have with the deceased relative. Secondly, there is reference to going into
the sea and under it to pass from the world of the dead to the world of the living.
People are historical beings. They
are what they are now because of things that happened to them in the past. People live in
communities and it is there where history becomes alive in cultural values and traditional
knowledge. What we have discussed so far are only tidbits of what make the Garifuna who
they are — a brief visit into their fascinating cultural identity. Even though most
have been forgotten by the younger people, one cannot take these precious nuggets away
from their collective being as a people.
Unfortunately there is presently
hardly any local and national validation given to them for maintaining their identity.
More than others they have been most aware of this and, as a result, many have opted not
to be Garifuna anymore. Others have been stubborn enough in the true spirit of Joseph Chatoyer, Gulisi, and T.V. Ramos to try
to arrest the slippage. It is their inspiration that led the National Garifuna Council to
file for recognition in UNESCO's first ever Proclamation of Masterpiece of the Oral and
Intangible Heritage of Humanity. We were successful in receiving the award. However,
international recognition has to be funneled at the national and local level to have some
impact on the community.
What is the significance of this
study to the rest of the Caribbean region? Through the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)
extended to the Caribbean states we have far more marine area to tap for development than
our miniscule land area. On the other hand, there remains little awareness of this
potential. The plan for such exploitation will take place when governments start to take
seriously what our coastal communities have been saying and doing.
The story is told of Iceland, now
a moderately wealthy state, which hardly has any natural resource apart from its icy seas.
The progress of Iceland started around the middle of the last century when it focused on
its fishery. It was one of the first countries to agitate for the twelve-mile limit for
territorial waters and ultimately for the two hundred mile EEZ. It started by placing
fishery tradition on the cornerstone of its national economy and foreign policy (Kurlansky 1979). It is an example that Caribbean countries need to
study. Participating in such an exercise would be coastal communities, academics, and
NGO's under a fully informed government policy.
i I am indebted to
several persons in communities in Southern Belize, who provided valuable field data. I
also express gratitude to Mr. Robert "Coppy" Mariano
for his information, excellent fieldwork, and ability to analyse
field data.
Bolland,
Nigel and A. Shoman 1977 Land in Belize 1765-1871. Jamaica: Institute for
Social and Economic Research, UWI.
Craig, Alan K. 1966 The Geography of Fishing in
British Honduras and Adjacent Coastal areas. PhD
dissertation, Louisiana State University.
Davidson, William V. 1984 The
Garifuna in Central America: ethnohistorical and geographical
foundation. IN Black Caribs
— a case study in biocultural adaptation. Pp.
13-36. New York: Plenum Press
Gonzalez, Nancie L. 1988 Sojourners of
the Caribbean — ethnogenesis and ethnohistory
of the Garifuna. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Kurlansky, Mark 1997 Cod
— a biography of the fish that changed the world. New York:
Vintage.
Miller, David L. 1978 The European Impact on St.
Vincent 1600-1763: suppression and displacement of the native population and landscape.
MA thesis University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee.
Palacio, Joseph O. 1982 Food and Social Relations in a Garifuna Village.
PhD dissertation University of California, Berkeley.
© Joseph Palacio, 2002.
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