CHAPTER I. |
Speculative
Philosophy in Greece, before
and in the time of Sokrates. |
Change in the political
condition of Greece during the life of Plato |
1 |
Early Greek mind, satisfied
with the belief in polytheistic personal agents, as the real producing
causes of phenomena |
2 |
Belief in such agency
continued among the general public, even after the various sects of
philosophy had arisen |
3 |
Thales, the first Greek who
propounded the hypothesis of physical agency in place of personal.
Water, the primordial substance, or ἀρχή |
4 |
Anaximander — laid
down as ἀρχή the Infinite or Indeterminate —
generation of the elements out of it, by evolution of latent,
fundamental contraries — astronomical and geological
doctrines |
ib. |
Anaximenes —
adopted Air as ἀρχή — rise of substances out
of it, by condensation and rarefaction |
7 |
Pythagoras — his
life and career — Pythagorean brotherhood — great
political influence which it acquired among the Greco-Italian cities
— incurred great enmity, and was violently put down |
8 |
The Pythagoreans continue as
a recluse sect, without political power |
9 |
Doctrine of the Pythagoreans
— Number the Essence of Things |
ib. |
The Monas —
ἀρχή, or principle of Number — geometrical
conception of number — symbolical attributes of the first ten
numbers, especially of the Dekad |
11 |
Pythagorean Kosmos and
Astronomy — geometrical and harmonic laws guiding the
movements of the cosmical bodies |
12 |
Music of the Spheres |
14 |
Pythagorean list of
fundamental Contraries — Ten opposing pairs |
ib. |
Eleatic philosophy
— Xenophanes |
16 |
His censures upon the
received Theogony and religious rites |
ib. |
His doctrine of Pankosmism;
or Pantheism — the whole Kosmos is Ens Unum or God
— Ἓν καὶ
Πᾶν. Non-Ens inadmissible |
17 |
Scepticism of Xenophanes
— complaint of philosophy as unsatisfactory |
18 |
His conjectures on physics
and astronomy |
ib. |
Parmenides continues the
doctrine of Xenophanes — Ens Parmenideum, self-existent,
eternal, unchangeable, extended — Non-Ens, an unmeaning
phrase |
19 |
He recognises a region of
opinion, phenomenal and relative, apart from Ens |
20 |
Parmenidean ontology
— stands completely apart from phenomenology |
21 |
Parmenidean phenomenology
— relative and variable |
23 |
Parmenides recognises no
truth, but more or less of probability, in phenomenal explanations.
— His physical and astronomical conjectures |
24 |
Herakleitus — his
obscure style, impressive metaphors, confident and contemptuous
dogmatism |
26 |
Doctrine of Herakleitus
— perpetual process of generation and destruction —
everything flows, nothing stands — transition of the elements into each
other backwards and forwards |
27 |
Variety of metaphors
employed by Herakleitus, signifying the same general doctrine |
28 |
Nothing permanent except the
law of process and implication of contraries — the
transmutative force. Fixity of particulars is an illusion for the most
part: so far as it exists, it is a sin against the order of Nature |
29 |
Illustrations by which
Herakleitus symbolized his perpetual force, destroying and generating |
30 |
Water —
Intermediate between Fire (Air) and Earth |
31 |
Sun and Stars —
not solid bodies, but meteoric aggregations dissipated and renewed
— Eclipses —
ἐκπύρωσις,
or destruction of the Kosmos by fire |
32 |
His doctrines respecting the
human soul and human knowledge. All wisdom resided in the Universal
Reason — individual Reason is worthless |
34 |
By Universal Reason, he did
not mean the Reason of most men as it is, but as it ought to be |
35 |
Herakleitus at the opposite
pole from Parmenides |
37 |
Empedokles — his
doctrine of the four elements and two moving or restraining forces |
ib. |
Construction of the Kosmos
from these elements and forces — action and counteraction of
love and enmity. The Kosmos alternately made and unmade |
38 |
Empedoklean predestined
cycle of things — complete empire of Love Sphærus
— Empire of Enmity — disengagement or separation of
the elements — astronomy and meteorology |
39 |
Formation of the Earth, of
Gods, men, animals, and plants |
41 |
Physiology of Empedokles
— Procreation — Respiration — movement of
the blood |
43 |
Doctrine of effluvia and
pores — explanation of perceptions —
intercommunication of the elements with the sentient subject
— like acting upon like |
44 |
Sense of vision |
45 |
Senses of hearing, smell,
taste |
46 |
Empedokles declared that
justice absolutely forbade the killing of anything that had life. His
belief in the metempsychosis. Sufferings of life, are an expiation for
wrong done during an antecedent life. Pretensions to magical power |
46 |
Complaint of Empedokles on
the impossibility of finding out truth |
47 |
Theory of Anaxagoras denied
— generation and destruction — recognised only
mixture and severance of pre-existing kinds of matter |
48 |
Homœomeries
— small particles of diverse kinds of matter, all mixed
together |
ib. |
First condition of things
all — the primordial varieties of matter were huddled
together in confusion. Νοῦς or reason,
distinct from all of them, supervened and acted upon this confused
mass, setting the constituent particles in movement |
49 |
Movement of rotation in the
mass, originated by Νοῦς on a small
scale, but gradually extending itself. Like particles congregate
together — distinguishable aggregates are formed |
50 |
Nothing (except
Νοῦς) can be entirely pure or unmixed;
but other things may be comparatively pure. Flesh, Bone, &c.,
are purer than Air or Earth |
51 |
Theory of Anaxagoras,
compared with that of Empedokles |
52 |
Suggested partly by the
phenomena of of animal nutrition |
53 |
Chaos common to both
Empedokles and Anaxagoras: moving agency, different in one from the
other theory |
54 |
Νοῦς, or mind, postulated by Anaxagoras
— how understood by later writers — how intended by
Anaxagoras himself |
ib. |
Plato and Aristotle blame
Anaxagoras for deserting his own theory |
56 |
Astronomy and physics of
Anaxagoras |
57 |
His geology, meteorology,
physiology |
58 |
The doctrines of Anaxagoras
were regarded as offensive and impious |
59 |
Diogenes of Apollonia
recognises one primordial element |
60 |
Air was the primordial,
universal element |
61 |
Air possessed numerous and
diverse properties; was eminently modifiable |
ib. |
Physiology of Diogenes
— his description of the veins in the human body |
62 |
Kosmology and Meteorology |
64 |
Leukippus and Demokritus
— Atomic theory |
65 |
Long life, varied travels,
and numerous compositions, of Demokritus |
ib. |
Relation between the theory
of Demokritus and that of Parmenides |
66 |
Demokritean theory
— Atoms Plena and Vacua — Ens and Non-Ens |
67 |
Primordial atoms differed
only in magnitude, figure, position, and arrangement — they
had no qualities, but their movements and combinations generated
qualities |
69 |
Combination of atoms
— generating different qualities in the compound |
70 |
All atoms essentially
separate from each other |
71 |
All properties of objects,
except weight and hardness, were phenomenal and relative to the
observer. Sensation could give no knowledge of the real and absolute |
ib. |
Reason alone gave true and
real knowledge, but very little of it was attainable |
72 |
No separate force required
to set the atoms in motion — they moved by an inherent force
of their own. Like atoms naturally tend towards like. Rotatory motion,
the capital fact of the Kosmos |
72 |
Researches of Demokritus on
zoology and animal generation |
75 |
His account of mind
— he identified it with heat or fire, diffused throughout
animals, plants, and nature generally. Mental particles intermingled
throughout all frame with corporeal particles |
ib. |
Different mental aptitudes
attached to different parts of the body |
76 |
Explanation of different
sensations and perceptions. Colours |
77 |
Vision caused by the outflow
of effluvia or images from objects. Hearing |
78 |
Difference of tastes
— how explained |
ib. |
Thought or intelligence
— was produced by influx of atoms from without |
79 |
Sensation, obscure knowledge
relative to the sentient: Thought, genuine knowledge —
absolute, or object per se
|
80 |
Idola or images were thrown
off from objects, which determined the tone of thoughts, feelings,
dreams, divinations, &c. |
81 |
Universality of Demokritus
— his ethical views |
82 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER II.
|
General Remarks
on the Earlier
Philosophers — Growth of Dialectic — Zeno and
Gorgias. |
Variety of sects and theories
— multiplicity of individual authorities is the
characteristic of Greek philosophy |
84 |
These early theorists are not
known from their own writings, which have been lost. Importance of the
information of Aristotle about them |
85 |
Abundance of speculative
genius and invention — a memorable fact in the Hellenic mind |
86 |
Difficulties which a Grecian
philosopher had to overcome — prevalent view of Nature,
established, impressive, and misleading |
ib. |
Views of the Ionic
philosophers — compared with the more recent abstractions of
Plato and Aristotle |
87 |
Parmenides and Pythagoras
— more nearly akin to Plato and Aristotle |
89 |
Advantage derived from this
variety of constructive imagination among the Greeks |
90 |
All these theories were found
in circulation by Sokrates, Zeno, Plato, and the dialecticians.
Importance of the scrutiny of negative Dialectic |
91 |
The early theorists were
studied, along with Plato and Aristotle, in the third and second
centuries B.C.
|
92 |
Negative attribute common to
all the early theorists — little or no dialectic |
93 |
Zeno of Elea —
Melissus |
ib. |
Zeno’s Dialectic
— he refuted the opponents of Parmenides, by showing that
their assumptions led to contradictions and absurdities |
93 |
Consequences of their
assumption of Entia Plura Discontinua. Reductiones ad absurdum |
94 |
Each thing must exist in its
own place — Grain of millet not sonorous |
95 |
Zenonian arguments in regard
to motion |
97 |
General purpose and result
of the Zenonian Dialectic. Nothing is knowable except the relative |
98 |
Mistake of supposing
Zeno’s reductiones
ad absurdum of an
opponent’s doctrine, to be contradictions of data generalized
from experience |
99 |
Zenonian Dialectic
— Platonic Parmenides |
100 |
Views of historians of
philosophy, respecting Zeno |
101 |
Absolute and relative
— the first, unknowable |
ib. |
Zeno did not deny motion, as
a fact, phenomenal and relative |
102 |
Gorgias the Leontine
— did not admit the Absolute, even as conceived by Parmenides
|
103 |
His reasonings against the
Absolute, either as Ens or Entia |
ib. |
Ens, incogitable and
unknowable |
104 |
Ens, even if granted to be
knowable, is still incommunicable to others |
ib. |
Zeno and Gorgias —
contrasted with the earlier Grecian philosophers |
105 |
New character of Grecian
philosophy — antithesis of affirmative and negative
— proof and disproof |
ib. |
|
|
|
CHAPTER III. |
Other Companions
of Sokrates. |
Influence exercised by
Sokrates over his companions |
110 |
Names of those companions |
111 |
Æschines
— Oration of Lysias against him |
112 |
Written Sokratic Dialogues
— their general character |
114 |
Relations between the
companions of Sokrates — Their proceedings after the death of
Sokrates |
116 |
No Sokratic school
— each of the companions took a line of his own |
117 |
Eukleides of Megara
— he blended Parmenides with Sokrates |
118 |
Doctrine of Eukleides about Bonum
|
119 |
The doctrine compared to that
of Plato — changes in Plato |
ib. |
Last doctrine of Plato
nearly the same as Eukleides |
120 |
Megaric succession of
philosophers. Eleian or Eretrian succession |
121 |
Doctrines of Antisthenes and
Aristippus — Ethical, not transcendental |
122 |
Preponderance of the
negative vein in the Platonic age |
123 |
Harsh manner in which
historians of philosophy censure the negative vein |
ib. |
Negative method in
philosophy essential to the controul of the affirmative |
ib. |
Sokrates — the
most persevering and acute Eristic of his age |
124 |
Platonic Parmenides
— its extreme negative character |
125 |
The Megarics shared the
negative impulse with Sokrates and Plato |
126 |
Eubulides — his
logical problems or puzzles — difficulty of solving them
— many solutions attempted |
128 |
Real character of the
Megaric sophisms, not calculated to deceive, but to guard against
deception |
129 |
If the process of theorising
be admissible, it must include negative as well as affirmative |
130 |
Logical position of the
Megaric philosophers erroneously described by historians of philosophy.
Necessity of a complete collection of difficulties |
131 |
Sophisms propounded by
Eubulides. 1. Mentiens. 2. The Veiled Man. 3. Sorites. 4. Cornutus |
133 |
Causes of error constant
— The Megarics were sentinels against them |
135 |
Controversy of the Megarics
with Aristotle about Power. Arguments of Aristotle |
ib. |
These arguments not valid
against the Megarici |
136 |
His argument cited and
criticised |
137 |
Potential as distinguished
from the Actual — What it is |
139 |
Diodôrus Kronus
— his doctrine about τὸ
δυνατόν |
140 |
Sophism of
Diodôrus — Ὁ
Κυριεύων
|
141 |
Question between Aristotle
and Diodôrus, depends upon whether universal regularity of
sequence be admitted or denied |
ib. |
Conclusion of
Diodôrus defended by Hobbes — Explanation given by
Hobbes |
143 |
Reasonings of
Diodôrus — respecting Hypothetical Propositions
— respecting Motion. His difficulties about the Now
of time |
145 |
Motion is always present,
past, and future |
146 |
Stilpon of Megara
— His great celebrity |
147 |
Menedêmus and the
Eretriacs |
148 |
Open speech and licence of
censure assumed by Menedêmus |
149 |
Antisthenes took up Ethics
principally, but with negative Logic intermingled |
ib. |
He copied the manner of life
of Sokrates, in plainness and rigour |
150 |
Doctrines of Antisthenes
exclusively ethical and ascetic. He despised music, literature, and
physics |
151 |
Constant friendship of
Antisthenes with Sokrates — Xenophontic Symposion |
152 |
Diogenes, successor of
Antisthenes — His Cynical perfection — striking
effect which he produced |
ib. |
Doctrines and smart sayings
of Diogenes — Contempt of pleasure — training and
labour required — indifference to literature and geometry |
154 |
Admiration of
Epiktêtus for Diogenes, especially for his consistency in
acting out his own ethical creed |
157 |
Admiration excited by the
asceticism of the Cynics — Asceticism extreme in the East.
Comparison of the Indian Gymnosophists with Diogenes |
ib. |
The precepts and principles
laid down by Sokrates were carried into fullest execution by the Cynics
|
160 |
Antithesis between Nature
and Law or Convention insisted on by the Indian Gymnosophists |
162 |
The Greek Cynics —
an order of ascetic or mendicant friars |
163 |
Logical views of Antisthenes
and Diogenes — they opposed the Platonic Ideas |
ib. |
First protest of Nominalism
against Realism |
164 |
Doctrine of Antisthenes
about predication — He admits no other predication but
identical |
165 |
The same doctrine asserted
by Stilpon, after the time of Aristotle |
166 |
Nominalism of Stilpon. His
reasons against accidental predication |
167 |
Difficulty of understanding
how the same predicate could belong to more than one subject |
169 |
Analogous difficulties in
the Platonic Parmenides |
ib. |
Menedêmus
disallowed all negative predications |
170 |
Distinction ascribed to
Antisthenes between simple and complex objects. Simple objects
undefinable |
171 |
Remarks of Plato on this
doctrine |
172 |
Remarks of Aristotle upon
the same |
ib. |
Later Grecian Cynics
— Monimus — Krates — Hipparchia |
173 |
Zeno of Kitium in Cyprus |
174 |
Aristippus — life,
character, and doctrine |
175 |
Discourse of Sokrates with
Aristippus |
ib. |
Choice of
Hêraklês |
177 |
Illustration afforded of the
views of Sokrates respecting Good and Evil |
ib. |
Comparison of the
Xenophontic Sokrates with the Platonic Sokrates |
178 |
Xenophontic Sokrates talking
to Aristippus — Kalliklês in Platonic Gorgias |
179 |
Language held by Aristippus
— his scheme of life |
181 |
Diversified conversations of
Sokrates, according to the character of the hearer |
182 |
Conversation between
Sokrates and Aristippus about the Good and Beautiful |
184 |
Remarks on the conversation
— Theory of Good |
185 |
Good is relative to human
beings and wants in the view of Sokrates |
ib. |
Aristippus adhered to the
doctrine of Sokrates |
186 |
Life and dicta of Aristippus
— His type of character |
ib. |
Aristippus acted conformably
to the advice of Sokrates |
187 |
Self mastery and
independence — the great aspiration of Aristippus |
188 |
Aristippus compared with
Antisthenes and Diogenes — Points of agreement and
disagreement between them |
190 |
Attachment of Aristippus to
ethics and philosophy — contempt for other studies |
192 |
Aristippus taught as a
Sophist. His reputation thus acquired procured for him the attentions
of Dionysius and others |
193 |
Ethical theory of Aristippus
and the Kyrenaic philosophers |
195 |
Prudence — good,
by reason of the pleasure which it ensured, and of the pains which it
was necessary to avoid. Just and honourable, by law or custom
— not by nature |
197 |
Their logical theory
— nothing knowable except the phenomenal, our own sensations
and feelings — no knowledge of the absolute |
197 |
Doctrines of Antisthenes and
Aristippus passed to the Stoics and Epikureans |
198 |
Ethical theory of Aristippus
is identical with that of the Platonic Sokrates in the Protagoras |
199 |
Difference in the manner of
stating the theory by the two |
200 |
Distinction to be made
between a general theory — and the particular application of
it made by the theorist to his own tastes and circumstances |
201 |
Kyrenaic theorists after
Aristippus |
202 |
Theodôrus
— Annikeris — Hegesias |
ib. |
Hegesias — Low
estimation of life — renunciation of pleasure —
coincidence with the Cynics |
203 |
Doctrine of Relativity
affirmed by the Kyrenaics, as well as by Protagoras |
204 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER IV. |
Xenophon. |
Xenophon — his
character — essentially a man of action and not a theorist
— the Sokratic element is in him an accessory |
206 |
Date of Xenophon —
probable year of his birth |
207 |
His personal history
— He consults Sokrates — takes the opinion of the
Delphian oracle |
208 |
His service and command with
the Ten Thousand Greeks, afterwards under Agesilaus and the Spartans.
— He is banished from Athens |
209 |
His residence at Skillus near
Olympia |
210 |
Family of Xenophon
— his son Gryllus killed at Mantineia |
ib. |
Death of Xenophon at Corinth
— Story of the Eleian Exegetæ |
211 |
Xenophon different from Plato
and the other Sokratic brethren |
212 |
His various works —
Memorabilia, Œkonomikus, &c. |
213 |
Ischomachus, hero of the
Œkonomikus — ideal of an active citizen,
cultivator, husband, house-master, &c. |
214 |
Text upon which Xenophon
insists — capital difference between command over
subordinates willing and subordinates unwilling |
215 |
Probable circumstances
generating these reflections in Xenophon’s mind |
215 |
This text affords subjects
for the Hieron and Cyropædia — Name of Sokrates not
suitable |
216 |
Hieron — Persons
of the dialogue — Simonides and Hieron |
ib. |
Questions put to Hieron,
view taken by Simonides. Answer of Hieron |
217 |
Misery of governing
unwilling subjects declared by Hieron |
218 |
Advice to Hieron by
Simonides — that he should govern well, and thus make himself
beloved by his subjects |
219 |
Probable experience had by
Xenophon of the feelings at Olympia against Dionysius |
220 |
Xenophon could not have
chosen a Grecian despot to illustrate his theory of the happiness of
governing willing subjects |
222 |
Cyropædia
— blending of Spartan and Persian customs —
Xenophon’s experience of Cyrus the Younger |
ib. |
Portrait of Cyrus the Great
— his education — Preface to the
Cyropædia |
223 |
Xenophon does not solve his
own problem — The governing aptitude and popularity of Cyrus
come from nature, not from education |
225 |
Views of Xenophon about
public and official training of all citizens |
226 |
Details of (so called)
Persian education — Severe discipline —
Distribution of four ages |
227 |
Evidence of the good effect
of this discipline — Hard and dry condition of the body |
228 |
Exemplary obedience of Cyrus
to the public discipline — He had learnt justice well
— His award about the two coats — Lesson inculcated
upon him by the Justice-Master |
229 |
Xenophon’s
conception of the Sokratic problems — He does not recognise
the Sokratic order of solution of those problems |
230 |
Definition given by Sokrates
of Justice — Insufficient to satisfy the exigencies of the
Sokratic Elenchus |
231 |
Biography of Cyrus
— constant military success earned by suitable qualities
— Variety of characters and situations |
232 |
Generous and amiable
qualities of Cyrus. Abradates and Pantheia |
233 |
Scheme of government devised
by Cyrus when his conquests are completed — Oriental
despotism, wisely arranged |
234 |
Persian present reality
— is described by Xenophon as thoroughly depraved, in
striking contrast to the establishment of Cyrus |
236 |
Xenophon has good experience
of military and equestrian proceedings — No experience of
finance and commerce |
236 |
Discourse of Xenophon on
Athenian finance and the condition of Athens. His admiration of active
commerce and variety of pursuits |
ib. |
Recognised poverty among the
citizens. Plan for improvement |
238 |
Advantage of a large number
of Metics. How these may be encouraged |
ib. |
Proposal to raise by
voluntary contributions a large sum to be employed as capital by the
city. Distribution of three oboli per head per day to all the citizens |
ib. |
Purpose and principle of
this distribution |
240 |
Visionary anticipations of
Xenophon, financial and commercial |
241 |
Xenophon exhorts his
countrymen to maintain peace |
243 |
Difference of the latest
compositions of Xenophon and Plato, from their point of view in the
earlier |
244 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER V.
|
Life of Plato. |
Scanty information about
Plato’s life |
246 |
His birth, parentage, and
early education |
247 |
Early relations of Plato with
Sokrates |
248 |
Plato’s youth
— service as a citizen and soldier |
249 |
Period of political ambition |
251 |
He becomes disgusted with
politics |
252 |
He retires from Athens after
the death of Sokrates — his travels |
253 |
His permanent establishment
at Athens — 386 B.C.
|
ib. |
He commences his teaching at
the Academy |
254 |
Plato as a teacher
— pupils numerous and wealthy, from different cities |
255 |
Visit of Plato to the
younger Dionysius at Syracuse, 367 B.C.
Second visit to the same — mortifying failure |
258 |
Expedition of Dion against
Dionysius — sympathies of Plato and the Academy |
259 |
Success, misconduct, and
death of Dion |
ib. |
Death of Plato, aged 80, 347
B.C.
|
260 |
Scholars of Plato
— Aristotle |
ib. |
Little known about
Plato’s personal history |
262 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER VI. |
Platonic Canon,
as Recognised by
Thrasyllus. |
Platonic Canon —
Ancient and modern discussions |
264 |
Canon established by
Thrasyllus. Presumption in its favour |
265 |
Fixed residence and school at
Athens — founded by Plato and transmitted to successors |
ib. |
Importance of this
foundation. Preservation of Plato’s manuscripts. School
library |
266 |
Security provided by the
school for distinguishing what were Plato’s genuine writings |
267 |
Unfinished fragments and
preparatory sketches, preserved and published after Plato’s
death |
268 |
Peripatetic school at the
Lykeum — its composition and arrangement |
269 |
Peripatetic school library,
its removal from Athens to Skêpsis — its ultimate
restitution in a damaged state to Athens, then to Rome |
270 |
Inconvenience to the
Peripatetic school from the loss of its library |
ib. |
Advantage to the Platonic
school from having preserved its MSS. |
272 |
Conditions favourable, for
preserving the genuine works of Plato |
ib. |
Historical facts as to their
preservation |
ib. |
Arrangement of them into
Trilogies, by Aristophanes |
273 |
Aristophanes, librarian at
the Alexandrine library |
ib. |
Plato’s works in
the Alexandrine library, before the time of Aristophanes |
274 |
Kallimachus —
predecessor of Aristophanes — his published Tables of authors
whose works were in the library |
275 |
Large and rapid accumulation
of the Alexandrine Library |
ib. |
Plato’s works
— in the library at the time of Kallimachus |
276 |
First formation of the
library — intended as a copy of the Platonic and Aristotelian
Μουσεῖα
at Athens |
277 |
Favour of Ptolemy Soter
towards the philosophers at Athens |
279 |
Demetrius Phalereus
— his history and character |
ib. |
He was chief agent in the
first establishment of the Alexandrine Library |
280 |
Proceedings of Demetrius in
beginning to collect the library |
282 |
Certainty that the works of
Plato and Aristotle were among the earliest acquisitions made by him
for the library |
283 |
Large expenses incurred by
the Ptolemies for procuring good MSS. |
285 |
Catalogue of Platonic works,
prepared by Aristophanes, is trustworthy |
ib. |
No canonical or exclusive
order of the Platonic dialogues, when arranged by Aristophanes |
286 |
Other libraries and literary
centres, besides Alexandria, in which spurious Platonic works might get
footing |
ib. |
Other critics, besides
Aristophanes, proposed different arrangements of the Platonic dialogues
|
287 |
Panætius, the
Stoic — considered the Phædon to be spurious
— earliest known example of a Platonic dialogue disallowed
upon internal grounds |
288 |
Classification of Platonic
works by the rhetor Thrasyllus — dramatic —
philosophical |
289 |
Dramatic principle
— Tetralogies |
ib. |
Philosophical principle
— Dialogues of Search — Dialogues of Exposition |
291 |
Incongruity and repugnance
of the two classifications |
294 |
Dramatic principle of
classification — was inherited by Thrasyllus from
Aristophanes |
295 |
Authority of the Alexandrine
library — editions of Plato published, with the Alexandrine
critical marks |
ib. |
Thrasyllus followed the
Alexandrine library and Aristophanes, as to genuine Platonic works |
296 |
Ten spurious dialogues,
rejected by all other critics as well as by Thrasyllus —
evidence that these critics followed the common authority of the
Alexandrine library |
297 |
Thrasyllus did not follow an
internal sentiment of his own in rejecting dialogues as spurious |
298 |
Results as to the
trustworthiness of the Thrasyllean Canon |
299 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER VII. |
Platonic Canon,
as Appreciated and
Modified by Modern Critics. |
The Canon of Thrasyllus
continued to be generally acknowledged, by the Neo-Platonists, as well
as by Ficinus and the succeeding critics after the revival of learning |
301 |
Serranus — his six
Syzygies — left the aggregate Canon unchanged, Tennemann
— importance assigned to the Phædrus |
302 |
Schleiermacher —
new theory about the purposes of Plato. One philosophical scheme,
conceived by Plato from the beginning — essential order and
interdependence of the dialogues, as contributing to the full execution
of this scheme. Some dialogues not constituent items in the series, but
lying alongside of it. Order of arrangement |
303 |
Theory of Ast — he
denies the reality of any preconceived scheme — considers the
dialogues as distinct philosophical dramas |
304 |
His order of arrangement. He
admits only fourteen dialogues as genuine, rejecting all the rest |
305 |
Socher agrees with Ast in
denying preconceived scheme — his arrangement of the
dialogues, differing from both Ast and Schleiermacher — he
rejects as spurious Parmenidês, Sophistês,
Politikus, Kritias, with many others |
306 |
Schleiermacher and Ast both
consider Phædrus and Protagoras as early compositions
— Socher puts Protagoras into the second period,
Phædrus into the third |
307 |
K. F. Hermann —
Stallbaum — both of them consider the Phædrus as a
late dialogue — both of them deny preconceived order and
system — their arrangements of the dialogues — they
admit new and varying philosophical points of view |
ib. |
They reject several dialogues
|
309 |
Steinhart — agrees
in rejecting Schleiermacher’s fundamental postulate
— his arrangement of the dialogues — considers the
Phædrus as late in order — rejects several |
ib. |
Susemihl —
coincides to a great degree with K. F. Hermann — his order of
arrangement |
310 |
Edward Munk —
adopts a different principle of arrangement, founded upon the different
period which each dialogue exhibits of the life, philosophical growth,
and old age, of Sokrates — his arrangement, founded on this
principle. He distinguishes the chronological order of composition from
the place allotted to each dialogue in the systematic plan |
311 |
Views of Ueberweg
— attempt to reconcile Schleiermacher and Hermann —
admits the preconceived purpose for the later dialogues, composed after
the foundation of the school, but not for the earlier |
313 |
His opinions as to
authenticity and chronology of the dialogues, He rejects Hippias Major,
Erastæ, Theagês, Kleitophon, Parmenidês:
he is inclined to reject Euthyphron and Menexenus |
314 |
Other Platonic critics
— great dissensions about scheme and order of the dialogues |
316 |
Contrast of different points
of view instructive — but no solution has been obtained |
ib. |
The problem incapable of
solution. Extent and novelty of the theory propounded by Schleiermacher
— slenderness of his proofs |
317 |
Schleiermacher’s
hypothesis includes a preconceived scheme, and a peremptory order of
interdependence among the dialogues |
318 |
Assumptions of
Schleiermacher respecting the Phædrus inadmissible |
319 |
Neither Schleiermacher, nor
any other critic, has as yet produced any tolerable proof for an
internal theory of the Platonic dialogues |
ib. |
Munk’s theory is
the most ambitious, and the most gratuitous, next to
Schleiermacher’s |
320 |
The age assigned to Sokrates
in any dialogue is a circumstance of little moment |
ib. |
No intentional sequence or
interdependence of the dialogues can be made out |
322 |
Principle of arrangement
adopted by Hermann is reasonable — successive changes in
Plato’s point of view: but we cannot explain either the order
or the causes of these changes |
ib. |
Hermann’s view
more tenable than Schleiermacher’s |
323 |
Small number of certainties,
or even reasonable presumptions, as to date or order of the dialogues |
324 |
Trilogies indicated by Plato
himself |
325 |
Positive dates of all the
dialogues — unknown |
326 |
When did Plato begin to
compose? Not till after the death of Sokrates |
ib. |
Reasons for this opinion.
Labour of the composition — does not consist with youth of
the author |
327 |
Reasons founded on the
personality of Sokrates, and his relations with Plato |
328 |
Reasons, founded on the
early life, character, and position of Plato |
330 |
Plato’s early life
— active by necessity, and to some extent ambitious |
331 |
Plato did not retire from
political life until after the restoration of the democracy, nor devote
himself to philosophy until after the death of Sokrates |
333 |
All Plato’s
dialogues were composed during the fifty-one years after the death of
Sokrates |
334 |
The Thrasyllean Canon is
more worthy of trust than the modern critical theories by which it has
been condemned |
335 |
Unsafe grounds upon which
those theories proceed |
336 |
Opinions of Schleiermacher,
tending to show this |
337 |
Any true theory of Plato
must recognise all his varieties, and must be based upon all the works
in the Canon, not upon some to the exclusion of the rest |
339 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER VIII. |
Platonic
Compositions Generally. |
Variety and abundance visible
in Plato’s writings |
342 |
Plato both sceptical and
dogmatical |
ib. |
Poetical vein predominant in
some compositions, but not in all |
343 |
Form of dialogue —
universal to this extent, that Plato never speaks in his own name |
344 |
No one common characteristic
pervading all Plato’s works |
ib. |
The real Plato was not merely
a writer of dialogues, but also lecturer and president of a school. In
this last important function he is scarcely at all known to us. Notes
of his lectures taken by Aristotle |
346 |
Plato’s lectures De
Bono obscure and transcendental. Effect which they produced on the
auditors |
347 |
They were delivered to
miscellaneous auditors. They coincide mainly with what Aristotle states
about the Platonic Ideas |
348 |
The lectures De Bono may
perhaps have been more transcendental than Plato’s other
lectures |
349 |
Plato’s Epistles
— in them only he speaks in his own person |
ib. |
Intentional obscurity of his
Epistles in reference to philosophical doctrine |
350 |
Letters of Plato to
Dionysius II. about philosophy. His anxiety to confine philosophy to
discussion among select and prepared minds |
351 |
He refuses to furnish any
written, authoritative exposition of his own philosophical doctrine |
352 |
He illustrates his doctrine
by the successive stages of geometrical teaching. Difficulty to avoid
the creeping in of error at each of these stages |
353 |
No written exposition can
keep clear of these chances of error |
355 |
Relations of Plato with
Dionysius II. and the friends of the deceased Dion. Pretensions of
Dionysius to understand and expound Plato’s doctrines |
ib. |
Impossibility of teaching by
written exposition assumed by Plato; the assumption intelligible in his
day |
357 |
Standard by which Plato
tested the efficacy of the expository process — Power of
sustaining a Sokratic cross-examination |
358 |
Plato never published any of
the lectures which he delivered at the Academy |
ib. |
Plato would never publish
his philosophical opinions in his own name; but he may have published
them in the dialogues under the name of others |
360 |
Groups into which the
dialogues admit of being thrown |
361 |
Distribution made by
Thrasyllus defective, but still useful — Dialogues of Search,
Dialogues of Exposition |
ib. |
Dialogues of Exposition
— present affirmative result. Dialogues of Search are wanting
in that attribute |
362 |
The distribution coincides
mainly with that of Aristotle — Dialectic, Demonstrative |
363 |
Classification of Thrasyllus
in its details. He applies his own principles erroneously |
364 |
The classification, as it
would stand, if his principles were applied correctly |
365 |
Preponderance of the
searching and testing dialogues over the expository and dogmatical |
366 |
Dialogues of Search
— sub-classes among them recognised by Thrasyllus —
Gymnastic and Agonistic, &c. |
ib. |
Philosophy, as now
understood, includes authoritative teaching, positive results, direct
proofs |
ib. |
The Platonic Dialogues of
Search disclaim authority and teaching — assume truth to be
unknown to all alike — follow a process devious as well as
fruitless |
367 |
The questioner has no
predetermined course, but follows the lead given by the respondent in
his answers |
ib. |
Relation of teacher and
learner. Appeal to authority is suppressed |
368 |
In the modern world the
search for truth is put out of sight. Every writer or talker professes
to have already found it, and to proclaim it to others |
369 |
The search for truth by
various interlocutors was a recognised process in the Sokratic age.
Acute negative Dialectic of Sokrates |
370 |
Negative procedure supposed
to be represented by the Sophists and the Megarici; discouraged and
censured by historians of philosophy |
371 |
Vocation of Sokrates and
Plato for the negative procedure: absolute necessity of it as a
condition of reasoned truth. Parmenidês of Plato |
372 |
Sokrates considered the
negative procedure to be valuable by itself, and separately. His theory
of the natural state of the human mind; not ignorance, but false
persuasion of knowledge |
373 |
Declaration of Sokrates in
the Apology; his constant mission to make war against the false
persuasion of knowledge |
374 |
Opposition of feeling
between Sokrates and the Dikasts |
375 |
The Dialogues of Search
present an end in themselves. Mistake of supposing that Plato had in
his mind an ulterior affirmative end, not declared |
ib. |
False persuasion of
knowledge — had reference to topics social, political,
ethical |
376 |
To those topics, on which
each community possesses established dogmas, laws, customs, sentiments,
consecrated and traditional, peculiar to itself. The local creed, which
is never formally proclaimed or taught, but is enforced unconsciously
by every one upon every one else. Omnipotence of King Nomos |
377 |
Small minority of
exceptional individual minds, who do not yield to the established
orthodoxy, but insist on exercising their own judgment |
382 |
Early appearance of a few
free-judging individuals, or free-thinkers in Greece |
384 |
Rise of Dialectic
— Effect of the Drama and the Dikastery |
386 |
Application of Negative
scrutiny to ethical and social topics by Sokrates |
ib. |
Emphatic assertion by
Sokrates of the right of satisfaction for his own individual reason |
386 |
Aversion of the Athenian
public to the negative procedure of Sokrates. Mistake of supposing that
that negative procedure belongs peculiarly to the Sophists and the
Megarici |
387 |
The same charges which the
historians of philosophy bring against the Sophists were brought by
contemporary Athenians against Sokrates. They represent the standing
dislike of free inquiry, usual with an orthodox public |
388 |
Aversion towards Sokrates
aggravated by his extreme publicity of speech. His declaration, that
false persuasion of knowledge is universal; must be understood as a
basis in appreciating Plato’s Dialogues of Search |
393 |
Result called Knowledge,
which Plato aspires to. Power of going through a Sokratic
cross-examination; not attainable except through the Platonic process
and method |
396 |
Platonic process adapted to
Platonic topics — man and society |
397 |
Plato does not provide
solutions for the difficulties which he has raised. The affirmative and
negative veins are in him completely distinct. His dogmas are
enunciations à
priori of some impressive
sentiment |
399 |
Hypothesis — that
Plato had solved all his own difficulties for himself; but that he
communicated the solution only to a few select auditors in oral
lectures — Untenable |
401 |
Characteristic of the oral
lectures — that they were delivered in Plato’s own
name. In what other respects they departed from the dialogues, we
cannot say |
402 |
Apart from any result, Plato
has an interest in the process of search and debate per
se. Protracted enquiry is a
valuable privilege, not a tiresome obligation |
403 |
Plato has done more than any
one else to make the process of enquiry interesting to others, as it
was to himself |
405 |
Process of generalisation
always kept in view and illustrated throughout the Platonic Dialogues
of Search — general terms and propositions made subjects of
conscious analysis |
406 |
The Dialogues must be
reviewed as distinct compositions by the same author, illustrating each
other, but without assignable inter-dependence |
407 |
Order of the Dialogues,
chosen for bringing them under separate review. Apology will come
first; Timæus, Kritias, Leges, Epinomis last |
ib. |
Kriton and Euthyphron come
immediately after Apology. The intermediate dialogues present no
convincing grounds for any determinate order |
408 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER IX. |
Apology of
Sokrates. |
The Apology is the real
defence delivered by Sokrates before the Dikasts, reported by Plato,
without intentional transformation |
410 |
Even if it be
Plato’s own composition, it comes naturally first in the
review of his dialogues |
411 |
General character of the
Apology — Sentiments entertained towards Sokrates at Athens |
412 |
Declaration from the Delphian
oracle respecting the wisdom of Sokrates, interpreted by him as a
mission to cross-examine the citizens generally — The oracle
is proved to be true |
413 |
False persuasion of wisdom is
universal — the God alone is wise |
414 |
Emphatic assertion by
Sokrates of the cross-examining mission imposed upon him by the God |
ib. |
He had devoted his life to
the execution of this mission, and he intended to persevere in spite of
obloquy or danger |
416 |
He disclaims the function of
a teacher — he cannot teach, for he is not wiser than others.
He differs from others by being conscious of his own ignorance |
ib. |
He does not know where
competent teachers can be found. He is perpetually seeking for them,
but in vain |
417 |
Impression made by the
Platonic Apology on Zeno the Stoic |
418 |
Extent of efficacious
influence claimed by Sokrates for himself — exemplified by
Plato throughout the Dialogues of Search — Xenophon and Plato
enlarge it |
ib. |
Assumption by modern
critics, that Sokrates is a positive teacher, employing indirect
methods for the inculcation of theories of his own |
419 |
Incorrectness of such
assumption — the Sokratic Elenchus does not furnish a
solution, but works upon the mind of the respondent, stimulating him to
seek for a solution of his own |
420 |
Value and importance of this
process — stimulating active individual minds to theorise
each for itself |
421 |
View taken by Sokrates about
death. Other men profess to know what it is, and think it a great
misfortune: he does not know |
422 |
Reliance of Sokrates on his
own individual reason, whether agreeing or disagreeing with others |
423 |
Formidable efficacy of
established public beliefs, generated without any ostensible author |
424 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER X. |
Kriton. |
General purpose of the
Kriton |
425 |
Subject of the dialogue
— interlocutors |
ib. |
Answer of Sokrates to the
appeal made by Kriton |
426 |
He declares that the
judgment of the general public is not worthy of trust: he appeals to
the judgment of the one Expert, who is wise on the matter in debate |
ib. |
Principles laid down by
Sokrates for determining the question with Kriton. Is the proceeding
recommended just or unjust? Never in any case to act unjustly |
427 |
Sokrates admits that few
will agree with him, and that most persons hold the opposite opinion:
but he affirms that the point is cardinal |
ib. |
Pleading supposed to be
addressed by the Laws of Athens to Sokrates, demanding from him
implicit obedience |
428 |
Purpose of Plato in this
pleading — to present the dispositions of Sokrates in a light
different from that which the Apology had presented —
unqualified submission instead of defiance |
ib. |
Harangue of Sokrates
delivered in the name of the Laws, would have been applauded by all the
democratical patriots of Athens |
430 |
The harangue insists
upon
topics common to Sokrates with other citizens, overlooking the
specialties of his character |
431 |
Still Sokrates is
represented as adopting the resolution to obey, from his own
conviction; by a reason which weighs with him, but which would not
weigh with others |
ib. |
The harangue is not a
corollary from this Sokratic reason, but represents feelings common
among Athenian citizens |
432 |
Emphatic declaration
of the
authority of individual reason and conscience, for the individual
himself |
ib. |
The Kriton is
rhetorical,
not dialectical. Difference between Rhetoric and Dialectic |
433 |
The Kriton makes
powerful
appeal to the emotions, but overlooks the ratiocinative difficulties,
or supposes them to be solved |
ib. |
Incompetence of the
general
public or ἰδιῶται
— appeal to the professional Expert |
435 |
Procedure of Sokrates
after
this comparison has been declared — he does not name who the
trustworthy Expert is |
ib. |
Sokrates acts as the
Expert
himself: he finds authority in his own reason and conscience |
436 |
|
|
|
CHAPTER XI. |
Euthyphron. |
Situation supposed in the
dialogue — interlocutors |
437 |
Indictment by
Melêtus against Sokrates — Antipathy of the
Athenians towards those who spread heretical opinions |
437 |
Euthyphron recounts that he
is prosecuting an indictment for murder against his own father
— Displeasure of his friends at the proceeding |
438 |
Euthyphron expresses full
confidence that this step of his is both required and warranted by
piety or holiness. Sokrates asks him — What is Holiness? |
439 |
Euthyphron alludes to the
punishment of Uranus by his son Kronus and of Kronus by his son Zeus |
440 |
Sokrates intimates his own
hesitation in believing these stories of discord among the Gods.
Euthyphron declares his full belief in them, as well as in many similar
narratives, not in so much circulation |
ib. |
Bearing of this dialogue on
the relative position of Sokrates and the Athenian public |
441 |
Dramatic moral set forth by
Aristophanes against Sokrates and the freethinkers, is here retorted by
Plato against the orthodox champion |
442 |
Sequel of the dialogue
— Euthyphron gives a particular example as the reply to a
general question |
444 |
Such mistake frequent
in
dialectic discussion |
ib. |
First general answer
given
by Euthyphron — that which is pleasing to the Gods is holy.
Comments of Sokrates thereon |
445 |
To be loved by the
Gods is
not the essence of the Holy — they love it because it is
holy. In what then does its essence consist? Perplexity of Euthyphron |
446 |
Sokrates suggests a
new
answer. The Holy is one branch or variety of the Just. It is that
branch which concerns ministration by men to the Gods |
447 |
Ministration to the
Gods?
How? To what purpose? |
ib. |
Holiness —
rectitude in sacrifice and prayer — right traffic between men
and the Gods |
448 |
This will not stand
— the Gods gain nothing — they receive from men
marks of honour and gratitude — they are pleased therewith
— the Holy, therefore, must be that which is pleasing to the
Gods |
448 |
This is the same
explanation which was before declared insufficient. A fresh explanation
is required from Euthyphron. He breaks off the dialogue |
ib. |
Sokratic spirit of the
dialogue — confessed ignorance applying the Elenchus to false
persuasion of knowledge |
449 |
The questions always
difficult, often impossible to answer. Sokrates is unable to answer
them, though he exposes the bad answers of others |
ib. |
Objections of
Theopompus to
the Platonic procedure |
450 |
Objective view of
Ethics,
distinguished by Sokrates from the subjective |
451 |
Subjective unanimity
coincident with objective dissent |
ib. |
Cross-examination
brought
to bear upon this mental condition by Sokrates — position of
Sokrates and Plato in regard to it |
452 |
The Holy — it
has
an essential characteristic — what is this? — not
the fact that it is loved by the Gods — this is true, but is
not its constituent essence |
454 |
Views of the
Xenophontic
Sokrates respecting the Holy — different from those of the
Platonic Sokrates — he disallows any common absolute general
type of the Holy — he recognises an indefinite variety of
types, discordant and relative |
ib. |
The Holy a branch of
the
Just — not tenable as a definition, but useful as bringing to
view the subordination of logical terms |
455 |
The Euthyphron
represents
Plato’s way of replying to the charge of impiety, preferred
by Melêtus against Sokrates — comparison with
Xenophon’s way of replying |
ib. |